Mr. CROFT: I think I took special care
not to advocate more emigration, but the
diversion of emigration, where possible,
from foreign countries to the Empire. I
only recommended assistance for women
where I thought they were more needed.
Mr. HARCOURT: As to diversion, I have
given the hon. Member the figures, but I
would like also to draw the attention of
the House to the seriousness of the point
about emigration with which I was dealing.
Ireland between the years 1901 and 1911
emigrated 336,000 people, or 130 per cent.
of the natural increase of the population.
Many of us have our own views as to what
was the cause of that emigration from
Ireland. In 1911 the natural increase of
the population in Ireland was 1,000 less
than the number of emigrants. Scotland
unhappily is now undergoing the same
process, for the first time in 100 years.
In 1910 the natural increase of
population in Scotland was 51,000, and
the emigrants numbered 55,000, a loss of
4,000. In 1911 the departures from
Scotland exceeded the natural increase by
7,000, and in 1912 by 8,000. In fact,
England alone maintains an increase of
population beyond her emigration. In
1911 the natural increase of population
in the United Kingdom was 432,000, but
152,000 of that was due to life-saving
by the decreased death rate. That number
may be regarded as very satisfactory.
But for this saving the natural increase
would have been only 280,000, whilst the
emigration was 262,000, so that without
this life-saving, due to the decrease
of the death rate, there would only
have been a margin of 18,000 increase
of the population left over the
emigration which has taken place. On
these grounds I am inclined to think that
up to the present we have done all we
ought to do, and I propose to await the
conclusions of the Royal Commission in
order to see what are the requirements
of the Dominions, and what are the
possible and justifable sacrifices
which the Mother-country may be called
upon to make. The hon. Gentleman also
dealt with the question of the Imperial
Council. I wonder that he was not
warned by the fate of the Imperial
Federation League some years ago.
There was some people who thought that
that League was right, but I think
almost everyone thought they were
right too soon. They went into
possible plans with meticulous detail,
with the result that they aroused
resentment both by their reserves and
their concessions. I should have been
glad if the hon. Member had given us
a little more information as to what
his Imperial Council means. Is it to
be on an elective basis? If it is, is
it to be based upon population, or
area, or wealth? Is it to be only on
a white basis? If so, Great Britain
in that Council would have a
commanding majority. Is it to have
supreme legislative powers over the
Empire, and that by a simple majority?
Is it to have supreme taxing powers,
as against a dissenting minority, for
instance; and if so, how are these
taxing powers to be enforced, and by
whom are the taxes to be collected?
The tea chests in Boston Harbour
would be a joke compared with the
situation that would be produced by
such a Council as that.
